Gary Webb From
Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
August 31, 1955 Corona,
California Died December
10, 2004 (aged 49)
Carmichael, California Education Northern
Kentucky University
Journalist,
investigative reporter
Notable credit(s) San
Jose Mercury News
Gary Webb (August 31, 1955
– December 10, 2004) was a Pulitzer prize-winning American investigative
journalist. [Also a winner of the George
Polk Award.]
Webb was best known for his
1996 "Dark Alliance" series of articles written for the San Jose
Mercury News and later published as a book. In the three-part series, Webb
investigated Nicaraguans linked to the CIA-backed Contras who had allegedly
smuggled cocaine into the U.S. Their smuggled cocaine was distributed as crack
cocaine in Los Angeles, with the profits funneled back to the Contras. Webb
also alleged that this influx of Nicaraguan-supplied cocaine sparked, and
significantly fueled, the widespread crack cocaine epidemic that swept through
many U.S. cities during the 1980s. According to Webb, the CIA was aware of the
cocaine transactions and the large shipments of drugs into the U.S. by Contra
personnel. Webb charged that the Reagan administration shielded inner-city drug
dealers from prosecution in order to raise money for the Contras, especially
after Congress passed the Boland Amendment, which prohibited direct Contra
funding.
Webb's reporting generated
fierce controversy, and the San Jose Mercury News backed away from the story,
effectively ending Webb's career as a mainstream media journalist. In 2004,
Webb was found dead from two gunshot wounds to the head, which the coroner's
office judged a suicide. Though he was criticized and outcast from the
mainstream journalism community, his reportage was eventually vindicated as
many of his findings have since been validated: since Webb's death, both the
Los Angeles Times and the Chicago Tribune have defended his "Dark
Alliance" series. Journalist George Sanchez states that "the CIAÕs
internal investigation by Inspector General Frederick Hitz vindicated much of
GaryÕs reporting" and observes that despite the campaign against Webb,
"the government eventually admitted to more than Gary had initially
reported" over the years.[1]
In 1988, Webb joined the San Jose Mercury News as a staff writer.
He helped expose freeway retrofitting problems in the 1989 Loma Prieta
earthquake and wrote stories about computer software problems at the
California In August 1996 the San
Jose Mercury News published Webb's "Dark Alliance," a 20,000 word,
three-part investigative series which alleged that Nicaraguan drug
traffickers had sold and distributed crack cocaine in Los Angeles during the
1980s, and that drug profits were used to fund the CIA-supported Nicaraguan
Contras. Webb never asserted that the
CIA directly aided drug dealers to raise money for the Contras, but he did
document that the CIA was aware of the cocaine transactions and the large
shipments of cocaine into the U.S. by the Contra personnel.[3] "Dark
Alliance" received national attention. At the height of the interest, the
web version of it on the San Jose Mercury News website received 1.3 million
hits a day. According to the Columbia Journalism Review, the series became
"the most talked-about piece of journalism in 1996 and arguably the most
famous—some would say infamous—set of articles of the
decade."[4]
Webb supported his story with
documents obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, subsequently
including a 450-page declassified version of an October 1988 report by CIA
Inspector General Frederick Hitz. According to Webb and his supporters, the
evidence demonstrates that White House officials, including Oliver North, knew
about and supported using money from drug trafficking to fund the contras, and
these officials neglected to pass any information along to the DEA. The 1988
report from the Senate Subcommittee on Narcotics, Terrorism and International
Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations led by Sen. John Kerry
commented that there were "serious questions as to whether or not US
officials involved in Central America failed to address the drug issue for fear
of jeopardizing the war effort against Nicaragua."[5]
Ò If
we had met five years ago, you wouldn't have found a more staunch defender of
the newspaper industry than me ... I was winning awards, getting raises,
lecturing college classes, appearing on TV shows, and judging journalism
contests. So how could I possibly agree with people like Noam Chomsky and Ben
Bagdikian, who were claiming the system didn't work, that it was steered by
powerful special interests and corporations, and existed to protect the power
elite? And then I wrote some stories
that made me realize how sadly misplaced my bliss had been. The reason I'd
enjoyed such smooth sailing for so long hadn't been, as I'd assumed, because I
was careful and diligent and good at my job ... The truth was that, in all
those years, I hadn't written anything important enough to suppress... Ó—Gary
Webb.[6]
Immediately, denials began to
emerge refuting the assertions Webb made in "Dark Alliance." Reports
in the Washington Post (Oct 4, 1996), Los Angeles Times, and New York Times
(Oct 21, 1996), tried to debunk the link between the Contras and the crack
epidemicÉ.. Robert Parry, who in
1985 became the first reporter to accuse the Contras of involvement in drug
trafficking,[2] wrote that the Post's denunciation of Webb was ironic, because
the paper "had long pooh-poohed earlier allegations that the Contras were
implicated in drug shipments" but now "the newspaper was finally
accepting the reality of Contra cocaine trafficking, albeit in a backhanded
way."[10]
In response to these
attacks, Webb created a web site that contained primary documents, transcripts,
and audio interviews. By January 1997, Webb's editors no longer contacted him
about his stories. In March, Webb was
informed that the paper was going to address the readers about his series. On
May 11, 1997, Mercury News executive editor Jerry Ceppos published an editorial
describing the series as an "important work" and "solidly
documented," but criticized the series for: a reliance on one
interpretation of complicated, sometimes-conflicting pieces of evidence;
failing to estimate the amount of money involved; for oversimplifying the crack
epidemic; and for creating impressions that were open to misinterpretation
through imprecise language and graphics.[11] Webb was reassigned to a
suburban bureau 150 miles from his home. Because of the long commute, Webb quit
the paper in December 1997. Webb alleged that the 1997 backlash was a form of media
manipulation. "The government side of the story is coming through the Los
Angeles Times, the New York Times, the Washington Post," Webb stated.
"They use the giant corporate press rather than saying anything directly.
If you work through friendly reporters on major newspapers, it comes off as the
New York Times saying it and not a mouthpiece of the CIA."[11] In 2004,
Webb wrote a long piece, "The Mighty Wurlitzer Plays On," describing
the role the Internet played in bringing the "Dark Alliance" story to
international attention in 1996, and describing at length the backlash against
the story at first externally, through the larger newspapers, and later
internally by the paper's editors:
"How do we know for sure that these drug dealers were the first
big ring to start selling crack in South Central?" editor Jonathan Krim
pressed me . . . "Isn't it possible there might have been others before
them?"
"There might have been a
lot of things, Jon, but we're only supposed to deal in what we know," I
replied. "The crack dealers I interviewed said they were the first. Cops
is South Central said they were the first. and that they controlled the entire
market. They wrote it in reports that we have. I haven't found anything saying
otherwise, not one single name, and neither did the New York Times, the
Washington Post or the L.A. Times. So what's the issue here?" "But how can we say for sure
they were the first?" Krim persisted. "Isn't it possible there might
have been someone else and they never got caught and no one ever knew about
them? In that case, your story would be wrong."
I had to take a deep breath
to keep from shouting. "If you're asking me whether I accounted for people
who might never have existed, the answer is no," I said. "I only
considered people with names and faces. I didn't take phantom drug dealers into
account."[12]
James Aucoin, a
communications professor who specializes in the history of investigative
reporting, wrote: "In the case of Gary Webb's charges against the CIA
and the Contras, the major dailies came after him. Media institutions are now
part of the establishment and they have a lot invested in that
establishment."[11]