The New Great Game: War of
Pipelines December 13,
2012
Source: News Pk http://www.blacklistednews.com/The_New_Great_Game%3A_War_of_Pipelines/23080/0/38/38/Y/M.html
http://worldtraining.net/GreatGame.htm
http://worldtraining.net/GreatGame2.htm
http://worldtraining.net/GreatGame3.htm
[
PutinÕs Dilemma by MIKE WHITNEY
ÒThe last decade of the twentieth century has
witnessed a tectonic shift in world affairs. For the first time ever, a
non-Eurasian power has emerged not only as a key arbiter of Eurasian power
relations but also as the worldÕs paramount power.Ó (p. xiii) ÒNow a non-Eurasian power is
preeminent in Eurasia — and AmericaÕs global primacy is directly
dependent on how long and how effectively its preponderance on the Eurasian
continent is sustained.Ó (p.30) Excerpts from The Grand
Chessboard : American Primacy And Its Geostrategic Imperatives, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Basic Books, 1997
ÒWe were promised in Munich that after the
unification of Germany, no expansion of NATO would take place in the East. Then
NATO expanded by adding former Warsaw Pact countries, former U.S.S.R.
countries, and I asked: ÔWhy are you doing that?Õ And they told me, ÔIt is not
your business.Õ Ó – Russian President Vladimir Putin, Moscow press
conference, April 2014 -------- The United States is in the opening phase of a
war on Russia. Policymakers in Washington have shifted their attention from the
Middle East to Eurasia where they hope to achieve the most ambitious part of
the imperial project; to establish forward-operating
bases along RussiaÕs western flank, to stop further economic integration
between Asia and Europe, and to begin the long-sought goal of dismembering the
Russian Federation. These are the objectives of the current policy. The US
intends to spread its military bases across Central Asia, seize vital resources
and pipeline corridors, and encircle China in order to control its future
growth. ]
US
Ambassador to Pakistan Richard OlsonÕs statement on December 10 against the
Pakistan-Iran gas pipeline (IP) was not a mere reiteration of the economic
interests of the United States and its allies; it has serious political
connotations, in an area that has always been the battlefield in the Great
Game. The expression of concern by Olson came just two days after President Asif Ali Zardari skipped his
scheduled visit to Tehran to finalise the project
with his Iranian counterpart. The US has been opposing the pipeline since its
inception and favouring the
Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (Tapi).
The IP,
a $1.2 billion project, has been lingering since 1995 when a memorandum of
understanding (MoU) was signed between Iran and
Pakistan. The Iran-Pakistan Working Group was formed in 2003 to move the
project forward. Islamabad told Tehran that in case India was unwilling to join
in, the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline would be pursued as an independent project.
But in 2005, a memorandum of understanding was signed to include India. In
2007, India and Pakistan provisionally agreed to pay Iran $4.93 per million
British thermal units, but India subsequently withdrew from the deal,
ostensibly over concerns about the price and security but in fact due to
opposition from the US. Under the accord signed in June 2010, Iran was to
provide about 21.5 million cubic metres of gas a day
to Pakistan for 25 years. The deal is extendable by five years and volumes can
rise to 30 million cubic metres a day. The project is
now in doldrums.
The projected 1,680-kilometre Tapi gas
pipeline is backed by the Asian Development Bank (ADB). It has the
potential to bring 3.2 billion cubic feet of natural gas per day (bcfd) from TurkmenistanÕs gas fields passing near the
cities of Herat and Kandahar, crossing into Pakistan near Quetta and linking
with existing pipelines at Multan.
After
IndiaÕs withdrawal from the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project, China showed
interest in it. In October 2011 Dr Asim Hussain said, ÒOur dependence on Pak-Iran pipeline is very
high and there is no other substitute at present to meet the growing demand of
the energy.Ó This statement irritated the US, which has been pleading the case
for Tapi since the 1990s. Tapi
was initially designed to provide Turkmen gas to Pakistan through Afghanistan.
In April 2008, India was also invited to join in. PakistanÕs cabinet gave
approval to the Gas Pipeline Framework Agreement (GPFA) for Tapi
in its meeting on October 27, 2010. On November 13, 2011, Pakistan and
Turkmenistan initiated the Gas Sales and Purchase Agreement (GSPA), which is
likely to make the multi-nation project operational by 2016.
From
the very beginning, the US and its allies wanted Pakistan to abandon the
project with Iran, which wants to diversify gas sales to Asian markets.
TehranÕs projection of IP as a Òpeace pipelineÓ has the support of Russia and
China. While regional powers desire to find a stable, reliable source of gas
supplies, America and allies want to destabilise the
entire region using militancy as a tool. The tussle over the Iran-Pakistan gas
project and Tapi is not a mere economic battle but
has far-reaching geopolitical dimensions.
It is a
matter of record that the US and its Nato allies had
decided to invade Afghanistan much before 9/11. The decision to this effect was
taken in Berlin during the joint meeting of the council of ministers held in
November 2000 in the wake of apprehensions regarding Tapi,
in which powerful corporate entities, which actually rule the US and other
capitalist countries, had financial interests. George W Bush appointed
Afghan-born Zalmay Khalilzad,
former aide to the American oil company Unocal, as special envoy to
Afghanistan, nine days after the US-backed interim government of Hamid Karzai took office in
Kabul. This appointment underscored the real economic and financial interests
at stake in the US military intervention in Central Asia.
Khalilzad was intimately involved in the
long-running US efforts to obtain direct access to the oil and gas resources of
the region, largely unexploited but believed to be the second-largest
in the world after those of the Persian Gulf. During the Bush government the
state department was exploring the potential for post-Taliban energy projects
in the region, having more than six percent of the worldÕs proven oil reserves
and almost 40 percent of its gas reserves. On December 15, 2001, in an article
titled ÔAs the war shifts alliances, oil deals follow,Õ the New York Times
reported that during a visit in early December to this region, Secretary of
State Colin L Powell said he was particularly impressed with the money that
American oil companies were investing there. He estimated that $200 billion
could flow into this region within the following decade.
As an
advisor for Unocal, Khalilzad drew up the risk
analysis of a proposed gas pipeline from the former Soviet republic of
Turkmenistan across Afghanistan and Pakistan to the Indian Ocean. He
participated in talks between Unocal and Taliban officials in 1997, which were
aimed at implementing a 1995 agreement to build the pipeline across western
Afghanistan. Unocal was the lead company in the formation of the CentGas consortium behind Tapi.
The
Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline and Tapi are symbols of
the New Great Game – the main goal of which is gaining control of oil and
gas reserves in this region. As Frank Viviano wrote
in the San Francisco Chronicle on September 26, 2001: ÔÕThe
hidden stakes in the war against terrorism can be summed up in a single word:
oil/gas. The map of terrorist sanctuaries and targets in the Middle East and
Central Asia is also, to an extraordinary degree, a map of the worldÕs
principal energy sources in the 21st century. It is inevitable that the war
against terrorism will be seen by many as a war on behalf of AmericaÕs Chevron,
Exxon, and Arco; FranceÕs TotalFinaElf; British
Petroleum; Royal Dutch Shell and other multinational giants, which have
hundreds of billions of dollars of investment in the region.ÕÕ
This is
the ugly reality of the ongoing war over gas pipelines in our region – US
and its allies want to grab oil and gas resources for their economic interests
benefiting huge multinational corporations in which the western ruling elites
have substantial interest. In an article in Global Research, ÔBalochistan: Crossroads of Proxy War,Õ Eric Draitser wrote on July 1: ÒChinaÕs insatiable thirst for
oil and gas makes the development of pipelines from Central Asia, Iran, and
elsewhere invaluable to them. The Iran-Pakistan pipeline, the
Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (Tapi)
pipeline, and other projects all serve to increase the importance of Balochistan in the eyes of the Chinese. Additionally, the
Chinese-funded Pakistani Gwadar Port is the access
point for Chinese commercial shipping to the Indian Ocean and on to Africa.
With all of this as a backdrop, one can begin to see just why Balochistan is so significant to the Chinese and,
conversely, why the United States and its western puppets seek to destabilise it.Ó
The
writers are adjunct professors at the Lahore University of Management Sciences.
Emails: huzaima@huzaimaikram. com,
ikram@huzaimaikram.com
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The
Trans-Afghan pipeline was Argentina's oil company Braidas
idea long before UNOCAL was involved. There were intense legal battles between
the two for the rights to build the pipeline, won by Braidas
but at the end it did not make any difference because the US always gets what
she wants. Americans are greedy bastards, they want everything for themselves.
They crashed Europe's dream of having their own pipeline and instead offered
their own alternatives: 1) the AMBO(Albania-Macedonia-Bulgaria-Oil)
pipeline and corridor #8, dismantling in the process Yugoslavia, and causing
$100 billion damage, and killing thousands. 2) the
Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, delivering oil fro Baku
and through Georgia to the Mediterranean port of Turkey Ceyhan.
(in both cases stealing the resources of the Caspian
basin). They want to make Russia and Iran irrelevant by diverting gas and oil
from the Caspian basin to Europe without going through Russian or Iranian
territory. For example the Trans-Afghan pipeline which
would go to Pakistan through Afghanistan, would be much shorter,
therefore much cheaper, reaching the Persian Gulf through Iran. Not only they
want the Trans-Afghan pipeline, they oppose the IP (Iran-Pakistan) pipeline
because it would cut into their profits, and that's unacceptable to the US mob
mentality, and in the process promise to break anyone's legs if they defy them
and go along with the IP pipeline