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The potential of sport for development and peace
Rolf
Schwery, Swiss Academy for Development (SAD), Switzerland
Introduction
Sport has been promoted on a broad basis for a number of decades
now – everywhere from schools and recreational organisations to
high-level competitive programs. In addition to development of the activity
itself (sport promoting sport), sport possesses further potential for human,
economic and social development, as well as for promoting peace. Thus far,
little research has been devoted to this potential. Except for studies
concerning the positive effects on health in general, there has been no
systematic analysis of sportÕs potential for development co-operation and
conflict prevention.
The following article examines the link between sport and social
development and critically analyses sportÕs potential for development
co-operation and the promotion of peace. The analysis focuses on active sport
as an organised or spontaneous physical activity. In this initial step, the
spectator and sport media levels will be excluded due to their complexity and
then only partially included in the analysis. In addition, reference to other
research is provided when considering sport as an economic factor.
Definition of terms
Before turning to issues of sport and development, a few terms
must be clarified. What is it that links the fields of "sport" and
"development"? How can they be brought into relation with each other?
On the one hand, sport is a form of symbolic human expression,
which – in contrast to dialogue – focuses on physical activity.
Sport is a medium that describes a temporary process on the micro-micro level
(individual types of sport) or the micro-meso level (sport associations).1
In this context it is useful to define sport in a broad sense,
encompassing Òall forms of physical activity which, through casual or organised
participation, aim at expressing or improving physical fitness and mental
well-being, forming social relationships or obtaining results in competition at
all levels.Ò2
In contrast, the definition of ÒdevelopmentÒ is very complex. In
the area of development co-operation it is likely to refer to the macro level
(regional - national) and the macro-macro level (international). Furthermore,
the definition of ÒdevelopmentÓ is contingent upon place and timeand, depending
on ideological orientation, can incorporate different aims (Nohlen, 2000). For
the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC, 1999), "development"
means, for example, poverty alleviation, safeguarding of natural resources,
resolving conflict, ensuring peace, empowering the disadvantaged, providing
access to information, ensuring equitable development for women and men,
fostering understanding between cultures and supporting human rights, the rule
of law and democracy.
The "Sport & Development" field, therefore,
relates a micro dimension to a macro dimension, with the former being the
explaining variable (explanans) and the latter the variable to be explained
(explanandum). ÒSportÒ can thus have a (positive/negative) effect on the
aggregate variable ÒdevelopmentÒ, a variable which can be measured to a certain
degree.3
Sport, in our broad sense of the word, can thus exert a positive
influence on (1) public health; (2) socialisation of children and young people,
as well as of adults and seniors, including the social inclusion of
disadvantaged groups; and (3) economic development of regions and even states.
Furthermore, sport can also prove useful in (4) intercultural exchange for the
promotion of peace, the prevention of conflict, and the treatment of trauma.
Several positive and negative keywords in conjunction with the four fields of
development are summarised in Figure 1.
Fig.1: Sport in various fields of development
Field of development |
Keywords |
1. Human development |
health, fitness, well-being, respect for oneÕs opponent,
tolerance, body culture, overexertion due to high-level competitive sports,
doping |
2. Social development |
social cohesion, civil society, teamwork, anomie, xenophobia,
hooligans |
3. Economic development |
promotion of development, investments due to major events,
creation of jobs, exploitation, child labour |
4. Political development |
promotion of peace, rules of democracy, nationalism, political
propaganda |
Historical background
The historical background of sport and development co-operation
cannot be presented in detail here; instead a sketch of trends in development
aid and the role of sport since 1948 will have to suffice.
After the successful rebuilding of Western Europe with the help
of the Marshall Plan, consisting essentially of a crucial injection of
financial aid, an attempt was made to apply the positive experience in Europe
to countries in the South. This trend was marked by a one-sided focus on
economic growth and modernisation, to be expedited by considerable fiscal backing
from the donor countries. ÒDevelopmentÒ was viewed as synonymous with Òeconomic
growthÒ and the per-capita income set as a benchmark of development.
As the debt crisis intensified in the mid-60s, the development
theories based on this one-sided focus of economic growth fell increasingly
into disrepute, resulting in a phase of cultural relativism. Dependencia
theories cast doubt on the ÒWesternÓ model of modernisation (ethnocentrism) and
contended that the dependency on a capitalistic system was responsible for the
underdevelopment of many countries.
However, the phase of cultural relativism and theories
concerning the disassociation from the South provided no viable alternative
solutions. A series of debt rescheduling programs followed, and an intensive
debate was launched on the universal nature of human rights.
Although the debate on development has not slackened in the
meantime, the general consensus has formed that a solution must be found
between the Scylla of cultural relativism and Charybdis of one-sided pursuit of
economic growth. In the process, the search for universal values (freedom of
belief and expression) and guarantors for protection of the individual (against
torture, slavery, genocide, apartheid) have assumed an innately important role
(KŠlin, 1994).
One of these universally applicable values could be the right to
physical activity and sport. UNESCO explicitly specified this right in article
1 of its international charter on physical education and sport in 1978:
ÒEvery human being has a fundamental right of access to physical
education and sport, which are essential for the full development of his
personality. The freedom to develop physical, intellectual and moral powers
through physical education and sport must be guaranteed both within the educational
system and in other aspects of social life.Ó 4
The call for a universal right to "sport", however,
has an even longer tradition. The founding father of the modern Olympic Games,
the Frenchman Pierre de Coubertin, recognised the "Olympic" value of
sport back in the late 19th century. The aim of the Olympics was to place sport
in the service of harmonious individual development and the establishment of a
peaceful society.5
It would, however, be naive to view the right to sport as a
universally recognised value without considering the historical background and
cultural characteristics of sport. Similar to arguments regarding other
freedoms, it is often asserted that sport is based on a Western tradition of
thought and does not exhibit this validity in other cultural traditions. This
position derives in particular from the Basel historian Jakob Burckhardt, who
in the late 19th century viewed competition (Greek: agon) as a typical feature
of ancient Greek culture.
Although more recent research on ancient Egypt and the Middle
East has refuted BurckhardtÕs thesis in an impressive manner (Decker, 1999, p.
28), the modern notion of sport remains strongly linked to the Western world,
and cannot simply be transferred to other cultures.
Criticism of modern sport as seen from the Freudo-Marxist
perspective is provided by French political scientist Jean-Marie Brohm, who
views sport as one of the elements of capitalism used to colonise the world
(Brohm, 1992).
However, criticism of modern sport in association with
development has not been only asserted from a Marxist position. Fates Youcef
investigated the role of sport in Third World countries, focusing particularly
on the case of Algeria and the Maghreb region. He demonstrated that sport in
the Third World has a primarily political function, serving national identity
and national prestige (Youcef, 1994).
The relation between sport and nationalism has been examined in
particular by John Hargreaves (2000). He supports YoucefÕs hypothesis that
sport can lead to the strengthening of national identity and nationalism.
Ultimately, it has to do with the display of power:
ÒThe consensus among commentators on sport and globalisation
then, seems to be that while globalised sport may stimulate national identity
and nationalism in given cases, in the final analysis it is, nevertheless,
overwhelmingly a manifestation of the power and universal triumph of advanced
consumer capitalism that negates national identity and reduces nationalism to a
spent force.Ó6
Sociologist Richard GiulianottiÕs work in this field provides a
distinction between the various types of sport. He writes that in the former
colonies, sport brought a clear division between the colonial powers and the
indigenous populations. Sports such as rugby or cricket reinforced social
divisions and ethnic segregation (Giulianotti, 2000, p. 19).
ÒIn addition, we have to recognize that historically, sports
have been ideological vehicles for promoting the world-view of powerful elites.
In Africa, the colonials found that teaching rugby, cricket or other sports to
the black African population would be a useful way of passing their time, but
of encouraging a sense of cultural dependency among locals on the Europeans,
and instilling particular values regarding teamwork, obedience to oneÕs master,
self-sacrifice, and so onÓ.
The colonial powers played a significant role in determining
which sports would be played — and by whom. Not all sporting activities
were a matter of colonial power. Football is a good example here, played widely
in many populations and viewed as "culturally neutral".
The debate over the relation between sport and development is
still unresolved today. On the one hand, there is an obvious danger of creating
a sport ideology through politics and exploiting sport through business. On the
other hand, cultural and social scientists are convinced that sport can serve as
an ideal vehicle for conveying sportÕs universal values, such as fairness and
respect.
It has been the traditional types of sports and games which are
currently enjoying a world-wide renaissance due to the influence of NGOs and
institutions, such as other. This is increasingly becoming recognised as part
of the cultural heritage of a country, sometimes even of a particular region.
In the following section, different aspects of sport on the
personal and social levels will be analysed. Various empirical accounts on the
relation of sport and development are available today. A multitude of
publications have been devoted to the effects of sport on health and personal
development.7 The use of sport as a means of social integration has
been examined particularly in Anglo-Saxon-speaking regions.8 Characteristic of
the research is the fact that it is based primarily on experiences of
industrial nations and that there is practically no research available which is
comparative of countries (synchronic) or longitudinal (diachronic). Both are
essential for a systematic analysis of sportÕs potential.
Sport as a human development factor
Movement and sport belong to the most basic/fundamental freedoms
in every culture. Equally important as the right of every individual to be able
to express his emotions and opinions in words is the right to physical and
playful movement. Humans are not only working and bartering beings (homo
oeconomicus), but also playful and playing beings (homo ludens). Consequently,
sport — in our broad sense of the word — is to be protected as a
positive freedom.9
Many connections exist between sport and social development:
sport influences the physical and mental well-being and health of a nation.
However, sport also exhibits a social dimension and forms an important
component of a modern civil society. Particularly in the case of children and
young people, sports associations are very attractive and overshadow the
traditional triad of a civil society: church-political party-trade union.
In addition to its primary function as a physical activity,
sport also indirectly influences social development; it is a very influential
economic factor. Sport has become a global player as well as a global payer due
to international competition and the presence of the media.
Sport emerges as an important factor in the development of a
society, or as Ann Hillmer and Jean Fabre write: ÒWe are concerned about the
development of sport because we are concerned about the development of our
societies.Ò (Fabre, Hillmer, 1998). UNESCOÕs widely supported demand to have
physical education and sport included in the Human Development Index (HDI) thus
comes as no surprise (UNESCO, 1999).10
Health
The connection between sport and health has been intensively
researched for several years. The positive effects which physical education and
sport have on health are easy to prove. It is generally agreed that physical
movement and sport positively influence the well-being and health of the human
being. Regular physical activity increases life expectancy, minimises the risk
of heart disease or heart attack, reduces or prevents high blood pressure,
maintains weight and contributes to the healthy development of muscles and bone
structure.
Regular physical movement in moderation also relieves the strain
on the health care system. The WHO estimates that about 1.9 million people die
because of an almost total lack of physical activity, and that physical
inactivity is responsible for approximately 10-16% of all cases of breast,
colon and rectal cancers and diabetes mellitus as well as 22% of ischemic heart
diseases (WHO, 2002, p. 61). Similar studies regarding Switzerland are also
available (Sportmedizin 2001). It was calculated in a study in the USA that a
single dollar invested in sport saved 3.2 dollars in health costs. Physical
exercise of at least 30 minutes per day can greatly improve a personÕs feeling
of well-being and reduce expenditures for social services.
It is generally assumed that an increase in the frequency of
training results in a decrease of the marginal profit and – after a
certain degree – can even have a negative impact. The risk and
possibility of injuries increases tremendously the closer the level of activity
resembles Òhigh-level competitionÒ. In addition, risk factors differ from one
sport to another and depend on the motives (Lamprecht, Stamm 2002, p. 66ff.)
From a health-economics perspective, an optimal level of physical fitness is
considered to have been achieved when the marginal profit exceeds the marginal
costs.
Personal development
The positive effects of sport on human development and physical
well-being have been known for some time: sport can enhance motor, physical,
and psychological skills. Individuals learn how to deal with emotions and
become acquainted with limitations, both internal (level of performance and
preparedness) and external (rules, opponents, environment). Sport can make a
valuable contribution to developing self-confidence, organisational skills, and
respect for the body (Sonstroem, 1984). Various studies also confirm the
positive effects of sport and physical education in combating state anxiety,
tension, stress and depression for people of all ages and both sexes (ISSP
1992) and in promoting a healthy lifestyle (Furnham, 1990). In an interesting
study Plante, LeCaptain and McLean demonstrated that psychological health is
more closely related to perception of physical fitness than to actual fitness
or physical activity (Plante et al., 2000)
From the theoretical perspective, it cannot in fact be clearly verified
whether people who participate in sports naturally possess certain attributes
such as assertiveness or self-confidence (trait theories), or whether they
acquire various attributes through socialisation. However, the fact that a
variety of positive character traits are associated with physical activity and
perceived fitness remains undisputed. The adage that a healthy mind resides in
a healthy body has been proven empirically.
Sport and aggression
Studies on the connection between sport and aggression are
particularly interesting. In this context, aggression is defined as behaviour
which aims to injure or harm the opponent. There is a distinction between
hostile and instrumental aggression: the former primarily aims at injuring the
opponent, whereas the latter type serves in achieving a sporting goal (e.g.
winning points). When the basic attitude can be described as ÒaggressiveÒ
without intent to injure, it is viewed as a pronounced level of assertiveness.
Different studies have demonstrated that sports activity may
very well lead to a channelling of aggression and that there is a negative
correlation between the amount of training and the tendency to use violence
(Javis, 2002, p. 56). It is often suspected that martial art types of sport in
particular increase the tendency to use violence. This is not necessarily the
case, as verified by a study on the behaviour of karate athletes where a
negative correlation between the amount of training and the tendency to use
violence was demonstrated (Daniels and Thornton, 1990). A useful model for
explaining for these conclusions is provided with a closer look at anomie.
Sport and anomie
Sport can provide a common frame of reference: in a rapidly
changing world, sport offers a simple societal framework and can make an
important contribution to self-development and self-realisation. Sport serves
to foster identity especially in children and young people and can counteract
the problem of social disintegration (anomie). Anomie signifies a general loss
of compelling norms and can lead to violence against oneself (depression,
suicide) or others (aggression, homicide).
Anomie occurs when basic living conditions vary severely.11 The cause of anomie
can vary: rapid transitional processes such as industrialisation or
globalisation (major anomie), the change from a centralised to a free-market
system (transformation anomie), violent conflicts (conflict anomie), or the
loss of a charismatic leader (loss of leadership anomie) can all lead to a
general loss of orientation. Interest in the subject of anomie has increased,
particularly in offering explanations in the field of criminology. Studies have
verified that a high rate of anomie is associated with deviant or delinquent behaviour
(Ortmann, 2000).
Conclusively, not only the results of physical activity i.e.
physical fitness, have an impact on individual well-being, but the process of
being involved in a common societal framework. Sport can minimise negative
consequences of anomie, i.e. resorting to acts of violence either towards
oneself or against others, due to the fact that it provides a frame of
reference. Different studies demonstrate that physical activity negatively
correlates with social introversion, depression and daily coping (Plante et
al., 2000). The anomie approach may explain why active participation even in
martial art types of sport leads to a reduced rather than increased tendency to
use violence. It offers also an alternative explanation as to why perceived
fitness is a better predictor of daily coping than actual physical activity.
Sport and social capital
Apart from the various skills such as concentration,
performance, stamina or mental strength which can be achieved through sport,
there is also an added value derived from people Òplaying togetherÒ. This
capital can be seen as social wealth or social capital. Sport teaches the
necessity and sense of teamwork. Communal sporting activities create trust and
the feeling of belonging, and provide a specific social structure. Team sports,
in particular, are valuable in the production of social capital. However,
individual sports also create social capital through training groups and the
social environment.
In recent years the role of sport in the battle against social
exclusion has been recognised. ÒSport EnglandÒ, in particular, initiated sports
projects for disadvantaged groups or the poorer members of society (Bryant,
2001; Collins, 2003).
Collins examined the integration of disadvantaged and disabled
individuals in England and determined that fringe groups were frequently
excluded because sport is expensive. The participation of women, regardless of
income, was also below the average. However, sport could make an important
contribution to the integration of fringe groups, a fact which has been
demonstrated by the allocation of so-called Òleisure cardsÓ in the cities of
Leicester and Oxford.
EnglandÕs experiences concerning the inclusion of disadvantaged
groups through sport indicate sportÕs potential in development co-operation.
But how can sport be appropriately implemented in countries undergoing
development or transformation? Experience in this area is still missing to a
large extent. However, the fact that sport can create social capital in poorer,
war-torn countries as well is demonstrated by a pilot project called Òdroit au
sportÒ (Òthe right to sportÓ) on the Ivory Coast (Lehmann, 2003b).
Remarks
Although scientific knowledge clearly demonstrates that sport
exhibits great potential for development of personality and that numerous
essential skills and accomplishments can be obtained through sport, it also
reveals several dangers and risks that must be taken seriously.
Trait theories are based on the premise that various character
traits are innate. However, innate aggression can be channelled through sport.
Theories on socialisation are based on the assumption that although people who
participate in sports do indeed exhibit certain character traits, the traits
are only acquired through socialisation. Heads of sport and sports idols can
play a major role in this. Children and young people, in particular, need
active guidance if they are to learn how to make use of their bodies in a
healthy manner and be able to recognise their own physical, mental, and also general,
limits. Only when heads of sport and sports idols are aware of this
responsibility and actively address the problems of violence, sexual
exploitation and doping in sport, sportÕs potential for social development can
be used (Lehmann, 2003a). The study of anomie reveals that sport not only
directly influences personal development, but also provides guidelines in a
rapidly changing world and indirectly effects self-confidence and well-being in
a positive manner. In particular, anomie explains better than other theories
that organised sport activity, including even martial arts types of sport,
leads to a reduced (not increased) tendency of violence.
Much effort is still required before the obvious potential of
sport can be used to integrate fringe groups and battle anomie. The experience
of ÒSport EnglandÒ shows that disadvantaged groups and the poorer sections of
society cannot usually be reached or do not receive adequate support. In
addition, heads of sport often lack understanding and experience in the area of
integration and development work (Bryant, 2001).
The main difficulty stems from the fact that much information in
this area is based on experience from developed countries and that little is
known about sportÕs potential in developing and transforming countries.
Sport
as a mirror and agent of society
Sport and civil society
The building of a functioning civil society has become a central
aim of current development co-operation. Civil society as a third force
together with state and private economy has a special function in the
maintenance and success of democratic structures.
In 1835/40, in his essay on democracy in America, Alexis de
Tocqueville recognised the importance of the role played by associations in
maintaining democracy. In his view, associations are a type of Òtraining campÓ
for active participation in the democratic political decision-making process.
An associationÕs members learn to organise themselves, to elect representatives
and to become accountable and responsible for a collective body or unit
(Tocqueville 1987, p. 280).
Civil structures can pursue political, cultural and even
sporting aims, which can be of a formal or informal nature. Figure 2 gives an
overview of possible networks.
Fig.2: formal and informal networks
|
Political aims |
Cultural aims |
Sports aims |
Formal networks |
political parties, trade unions, political groups |
church, cultural foundations, cultural associations |
sports clubs, sports associations |
Informal networks |
political clubs, lobbyists |
cultural exhibitions, arts clubs |
sports events, Òstreet football |
Although memberships in organisations are generally decreasing
in industrialised countries, sports associations have remained an exception to
this tendency (Putnam, 2001, p. 667/8). Sports associations have gained ground
in recent decades. There are three reasons for the attraction of sports
associations:
1. Sport speaks a simple language, which simplifies
intercultural understanding and is particularly attractive in todayÕs
multicultural society. Linguistic integration is also important in sport but is
not as indispensable as in political or cultural associations.
2. Sport is an international trend; it diverges from the
traditional triad of church-party-trade union and sets greater value on
informal associations, limited responsibility and flexibility.
3. The problem of Òfree ridersÓ remains more of a minor issue
for sports associations than for trade unions or political parties because
sports clubs are primarily of value to the members (intrinsic value), and can
be closed to non-members (Olson, 1965).
Today sport has become a central component in modern civil
society. Children and young people, in particular, find sports associations
very attractive. In Scandinavia, for example, about 80% of the population have
been members of a sports club at some time (Patriksson, 1995). The Shell study
on youth in Germany provides interesting information on membership in sports
associations (Shell study, 2000). The percentage of young people who indicated
membership in a sport association increased from 33.2% in 1996 to 35.1% in
1999. The percentage of those who hold an office in a sport association is
16.1% (1996: 13.4%).
Sport and violent conflicts
A brief look at the origins of sport suffices to note that its
history is closely linked to the use of physical violence. Hunting with bows
and arrows in early advanced cultures, the Olympic contests in Greece, and
medieval jousting tournaments are all sports-like encounters representing an
organised display of violence and serving to hone individual skills in battle.
Alternatively, competitions also served as a forum for exchange between
different peoples and for peaceful resolution of rivalry and conflict.
Conflicts are a normal phenomenon in every society. The aim is
not to prevent conflicts (these are necessary for every development), but to
solve conflicts without having to resort to violence. This is sportÕs more
interesting side. Compared with all other types of dialogue, sport shows a
distinctive advantage; with its playful attitude, rational arguments can be
Òplayed outÓ. Even when conflicting parties are not prepared to sit down
together, it is possible to link the conflicting parties through sport.
Experience in the former Yugoslavia and other war-torn regions has shown that
sportÕs potential has been underestimated as a confidence-builder following
ethnic conflicts.
Sport benefits from being a reflection of life. Symbolic games
and competitions can take the place of cultural conflict, with armies replaced
by teams competing peacefully in accordance with prescribed rules. Sport
follows the precepts of international politics and international law. The UN
plays the role of a non-partisan body, ensuring that the rules are obeyed.
Sport and intercultural dialogue
Sport speaks a simple language. It can unite different peoples,
irrespective of religion, race or social background. It is also a medium for
enabling and fostering international relations. Sports competitions allow
individuals, groups and nations to measure themselves against one another
– peacefully, constructively and with mutual benefit. Sport as a medium
for intercultural dialogue is particularly attractive to children and young
people. Experiences with children and young people in the Balkans in recent
years have shown sportÕs potential. Anders LevinsenÕs "Fun Football
School" is an example that illustrates this: children, both girls and
boys, are invited to a one-week training camp (Fun Football School) where the
multi-ethnic combination of trainers and children is given particular emphasis.
After any questions regarding organisation have been clarified, the children
become involved in playing a ball game together and learn to have fun with each
other (Levinsen, 2003).
The Fun Football Schools differ from other conflict management
methods in that discussion of the problem is not the starting point. Levinsen
writes: "This is not a conflict management tool that has the parties sit
around a table discussing why they cannot live together peacefully. We create a
programme where people act and play together in a constructive atmosphere, in
real time, so to speak.Ò12
In addition to grass-root projects, sport is also particularly
significant in the dialogue between people of different nationalities.
International sports competitions in particular represent a platform for
dialogue. Dialogue between cultures through sport can be achieved more quickly
and with less financial investment than through traditional cultural exchange
programs. The journal Kulturaustausch (ÒCultural ExchangeÓ) reported that
"a popular football player like JŸrgen Klinsmann might possibly do more in
a year for short-term German-British relations and a more positive image for
Germany than ten years of programs at a Goethe Institute" (Kulturaustausch,
p. 3). Of course, the opposite can also be true as the example of Zvonimir
Boban, captain of Zagreb football team, showed. Boban was immortalized as a
hero of Croatian nationalism by a photograph showing him kicking a policeman
(Gasser, 2002 , p. 15).
Particularly interesting are the modern Olympic Games, which
have been taking place since 1896. The Olympic Games are increasingly becoming
a major international media event. Critical voices speaking of the potential or
misuse of sport look back at the Olympic Games in Germany in 1936 and forward
to the Olympic Games in China in 2008. Various studies have shown that, on the
one hand, there is indeed a latent risk that the Olympic Games can be
instrumentalised for political propaganda, just like other major events. On the
other hand, it is clear that the Olympic Games Committee has repeatedly exerted
great pressure on political leaders to abolish violent confrontations and
racism and to seek compromise (Ueberhorst, 1995).
The World Cup in Japan and Korea in 2002 also illustrated the
potential of major sporting events with regard to dialogue between cultures.
The Japanese newspaper Tokio Shimbun reported an example of this: ÒThe
supporters of the Japanese and Korean teams definitely moved closer to one another
during this championship. Let the young people of both countries write a new
history based on this joint hospitality, and let us leave our unfortunate past
in the past.Ò (Tokio Shimbun, 19 June 2002, p. 6).
Despite the evident hazards of hooliganism, racism and doping,
American writer Paul Auster describes sport as the "perfect alternative to
war". Violent conflicts and war are replaced by competitions and games.
ÓCountries now battle each other by means of proxy armies in short trousers on
the playing field.Ò (Kulturaustausch, p. 62).
Anthropologist Paul Richards (1997) underlines the role of
football as an alternative to war with the example of Sierra Leone. He found
that for most young people in West Africa, a raising of social status is based
on traditional values. In this system of rule, further education or promotion
in state or private institutions does not improve social status. Instead,
individuals have to prove themselves as soldiers and join guerrilla
organisations. There is, however, an alternative way of improving status at a
more "playful" level: football is revealed as a perfect alternative
to war.
Sport in a global world
Sport has become an important component in a world which has
become global. In the United States the car industry and the chemical industry
achieve a turnover of about 100 billion US dollars. In contrast, sporting
activities are linked to a turnover of 152 billion US dollars (Hillmer, Fabre
1997). The analysis of several sports events clearly demonstrates that major
sports events provide a considerable contribution to promoting trade, industry
and business, both regionally and nationally.
Increasing media presence also brings with it the danger of
instrumentalising sport for populist and nationalistic purposes. The link
between sport and nationalism and separatist ambitions is frequently emphasised
by critics and has also been researched scientifically (Teichler 1999;
Hargreaves 2002). The Olympic Games in Barcelona were particularly noteworthy
because of the political situation and the separatist ambitions of Catalonia.13 As Hargreaves
reported, the interaction between Catalonian and Spanish identities and
interests was very important for the Games. It was a great help to the Games
that Spanish and Catalonian identities were integrated in a global economic and
cultural network. The Spanish state was in no way weakened by the Games and the
excellent organisation strengthened national unity and Spanish prestige.
Moreover, Catalonia was able to profit from the games at an economic, cultural
and political level. According to Hargreaves, joint responsibility for this
mutual success can be attributed to a well-developed civil society, cultural
institutions and a healthy trust in indigenous cultural identity.
Remarks
Even if sport is a mirror of society with all its positive and
negative aspects, scientists and practitioners agree that sport involves
enormous education potential, which can be implemented with the help of expert
assistance from heads of sport and the example of sports idols. However,
experience indicates a need for further training for heads of sport, trainers
and coaches. The involvement of fringe groups, in particular, requires more
information and research.
The potential which sport has as a medium for securing peace or
preventing violent conflicts cannot be completely clarified. On the one hand,
aggression can be reduced or channelled by sport. On the other hand, sport
releases emotions that can lead to nationalism and xenophobia. The analysis of
sportÕs potential as a medium for securing peace is particularly problematic.
The main difficulty in ascertaining the extent of sportÕs
potential in ensuring peace lies in clearly defining what it means to ensure
peace. While Òensuring peaceÓ and Òpreventing conflictÓ are important factors
politically, they are very complex and nearly impossible to define as objects
of scientific study.
Conclusion
As has been demonstrated above, sport holds enormous potential
for development co-operation and the promotion of peace. Up until now, state
aid has been limited to the development of school sports, while sports
associations in developing countries have mainly promoted their own type of
sport ("sport promoting sport"). Both these directions of activity
are worthwhile, but sportÕs potential extends far beyond this.
Heads of sport and sports associations must meet the challenge
of discovering this potential and increasing awareness of the use of sport as a
medium for development work and the promotion of peace on an international
level.
Clear commitment: The main challenge consists of convincing
the international community that sport should be recognised and promoted as a
universal value. This is not a matter of downplaying the dangers inherent in
sport at the practical level. Sport offers no magic formula! However, with a
clear declaration from decision-makers and backers, the seeds that have long
lain hidden in the common ground of sport and development can finally begin to
bear fruit.
Partnership approach: The utilisation of sport for development
co-operation and the promotion of peace also require intensified co-operation
starting at government level (top down) and at the level of practical work on
the field (bottom up). Ministers, directors and others responsible for sport
and development, as well as international sports associations, national
committees, sports goods producers and also non-governmental organisations
(NGOs), must all be won over to the partnership approach and develop a wide
network.
Evidence: There has been no systematic analysis of this
potential, nor have there been any positive indicators showing sport as an
efficient and permanent form of development co-operation until the present.
More research efforts are needed in order to create a clear concept for the
monitoring and evaluation of sports and development projects. The necessary
form that allows sport to be viewed as a human development factor in statistics
on development has still to be clarified. Neither the number of gold medals at
the Olympic Games nor the number of sports clubs can be used as a reliable
measurement. Innovative methods will also be in demand in the future if the
role of sport is to be rendered measurable as a factor in social development.
Respect: What is true for other universal values is also true for
sport: if sport is to be recognised as a universal value, it will have to be
broken down at the "neutral culture" level – together with its
historical and social context – which renders culture-specific
realisation possible. This aim can be achieved through the promotion of
traditional types of sport and the implementation of world festivals of
traditional sports. However, introducing a world-wide list of traditional types
of sport is only a start. Those responsible for the media, in particular, must
accept special responsibility by respecting other cultures and their types of
sport and taking these into account strategically.
It will therefore be no easy task to establish sport as a
fundamental, positive right to freedom for people of different religions, races
or social classes. Targeted co-operation can allow sportÕs potential to come to
fruition for a better and more just world. However, in doing so, it must also
be recognised that acquiring recognition of other universal freedoms, such as
freedom of opinion or freedom of belief, has also been difficult, and that they
have frequently been instrumentalised at the expense of the common good.
|
1 The term ÒsportÒ is derived
from Latin disportare, meaning to ÒdivertÒ or ÒamuseÒ oneself. This developed
into the now outdated French term desports and the English disport (Moraw,
1999, p. 68). 2 See Article 2.1 of the European
Sports Charter. It should also be noted that in current English usage, the
term ÒsportÒ is more narrowly defined than in German, referring not only to
recreational and school sport (also called physical education) but also to
high-level competitive sport (Leistungssport in German). 3This understanding, however,
should not lead to a conflation of the epistemological and institutional
levels, with sport institutions subordinated to development institutions.
Development practitioners and sport developers can obviously learn from one
another. 4International Charter of
Physical Education and Sport. Adopted by the General Conference at its
twentieth session, Paris, 21 November 1978. Download at: http://www.unesco.org/education/nfsunesco/pdf/SPORT_E.PDF 5The Olympic Charter, Fundamental
Principles, Paragraph 3. 6The consensus among commentators
on sport and globalisation then, seems to be that while globalised sport may
stimulate national identity and nationalism in given cases, in the final
analysis it is, nevertheless, overwhelmingly a manifestation of the power and
universal triumph of advanced consumer capitalism that negates national
identity and reduces nationalism to a spent force.Ó 7For example, Sondstroem (1984),
Furnham (1990), ISSP (1990), CDDS (1995, p. 11-87), Plante et al. (2000),
ICSSPE (2002), Sportmedizin (2001), WHO (2002, p. 61) and Lehmann (2003a). 8CDDS (1995, p. 91-133), Bryant
(2001) or Collins (2003). 9The term Òhomo ludensÒ is also
used by Dutch cultural philosopher Johan Huizinga (1994). 10In contrast, there is the difficulty
of quantifying sport as a human development factor. Neither the number of
Olympic gold medals nor the number of sport clubs can be interpreted as a
reliable unit of measurement. Innovative methods will be needed in the future
if the role of sport is to be rendered measurable as a factor of social
development. 11The state of anomie (from Latin
a nomos = lawlessness) was first recognised in the 19th century by French
philosopher Jean-Marie Guyeau as a fundamental characteristic and dilemma of
modern society. 12This is not a conflict
management tool that has the parties sit around a table discussing why they
cannot live together peacefully. We create a program where people act and
play together in a constructive atmosphere, in real time, so to speak.Ò
(Levinsen, 2003, p. 6) 13A comprehensive study by John
Hargreaves can be found in ÒFreedom for CataloniaÒ (2000). |
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Dr.
Rolf Schwery
Swiss
Academy for Development
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