A  different, but structurally similar, scenario the failure of a predicted messiah to appear would be taken to mean (and has in history been taken to mean) that the faithful had been judged unworthy. If the belief is strong enough, if it is the cornerstone of oneÕs world-view, it will be no trick at all to re-characterize facts that others might see as a devastating challenge to it. (Thus in his ÒOn Christian Doctrine,Ó St. Augustine advises scripture readers who find parts of the Bible pointing a bad moral to work the text over until Òan interpretation conducing to the reign of charity is produced.Ó) We donÕt ÒembraceÓ information that supports our beliefs; we see the information delivered by our beliefs.

 

 

June 10, 2007,  7:16 pm

The Three Atheists

 

Writings against God and religion have been around as long as God and religion have been around. But every so often an epidemic of the genre breaks out and a spate of such writings achieves the status of notoriety (which is what their authors had been aiming for). This has now happened to three books published in the last three years: Sam HarrisÕs ÒThe End of Faith: Religion, Terror and The Future of ReasonÓ (2004, 2005), Richard DawkinsÕs ÒThe God DelusionÓ (2006) and Christopher HitchensÕs ÒGod is Not Great: How Religion Poisons EverythingÓ (2007). (Were this the kind of analysis performed in Lancelot AndrewesÕs sermons, I would note the fact that the names of all three authors end in Òs,Ó signifying, no doubt, the presence of Sin and Satan.)

 

The books differ in tone and emphasis.

 

Harris is sounding a warning against the threat of Islam and inveighing against what he regards as the false hope of religious moderation. ÒWe are at war with Islam,Ó he announces, and he decides that, given the nature of the enemy — religious zealots informed by an absolute and terrifying faith — torture Òin certain circumstances would seem to be not only permissible but necessary.Ó (This from someone who denounces religion because it is used as a rationalization for inhumane deeds!)

 

Dawkins doesnÕt single out Islam for particular negative intention; in his eyes all religions are equally bad and equally absurd; and he wonders why obviously intelligent men and women canÕt see through the nonsense, especially given that so many of the questions religion canÕt answer have clearly been answered by the theory of natural selection.

 

Hitchens, the wittiest and most literate of the three, is a world traveler and will often recount the devastating arguments against religion he has made while lunching with a very important person in Belgrade, Bombay, Belfast, Beirut, the Vatican, North Korea and Washington, D.C., among other places.

 

Still, as distinct as the personalities and styles of the three are, they share a set of core arguments. (And they toss little bouquets to one another along the way.)

 

First, religion is man-made: its sacred texts, rather than being the word of God, are the ÒmanufacturedÓ words of fallible men.

 

Moreover (and this is the second shared point), these words have been cobbled together from miscellaneous sources, all of which are far removed in time from the events they purport to describe.

 

Third, it is in the name of these corrupt, garbled and contradictory texts, that men (and occasionally women) have been moved to do terrible things.

 

Fourth (and this is the big one), the commission of these horrible acts – Òtrafficking in humansÉethnic cleansingÉ slaveryÉ indiscriminate massacreÓ (Hitchens) – is justified not by arguments, reasons or evidence, but by something called faith, which is scornfully dismissed by all three: ÒFaith is what credulity becomes when it finally achieves escape velocity from the constraints of terrestrial discourse – constraints like reasonableness., internal coherence, civility and candorÓ ( Harris). ÒFaith is an evil precisely because it requires no justification and brooks no argumentÓ (Dawkins). ÒIf one must have faith in order to believe something,Éthen the likelihood of that something having any truth or value is considerably diminishedÓ (Hitchens).

 

ItÕs time for an example of the kind of thinking Harris, Dawkins and Hitchens find so contemptible. At the beginning of BunyansÕs ÒThe PilgrimÕs Progress,Ó the hero, named simply Christian, becomes aware of a great burden on his back (it is Original Sin) and is desperate to rid himself of it. Distraught , he consults one named Evangelist who tells him to flee Òthe wrath to come.Ó

 

Flee where, he asks.

 

Pointing in the direction of a vast expanse, Evangelist says, Do you see the Wicket Gate out there?

 

No, replies Christian.

 

Do you see a shining light?

 

Christian is not sure (ÒI think I doÓ), but at EvangelistÕs urging he begins to run in the direction of the light he cannot quite make out. Then comes the chilling part: ÒNow he had not run far from his own door, but his Wife and Children perceiving it, began to cry after him to return, but the man put his fingers in his ears and ran on, crying Life! Life! Eternal Life.Ó

 

So what we have here is a man abandoning his responsibilities and resisting the entreaties of those who love and depend on him, and all for something of whose existence he is not even sure. And, even worse, he does this in the absence of reason, argument or evidence. (Mark TwainÕs Huck Finn said of ÒThe PilgrimÕs ProgressÓ: ÒAbout a man who left his family; it didnÕt say why.Ó) At this point, Harris, Dawkins and Hitchens would exclaim, See what these nuts do at the behest of religion – child abandonment justified by nothing more substantial than some crazy inner impulse; remember Abraham was going to kill his son because he thought the blood-thirsty god he had invented wanted him to.

 

I have imagined this criticism coming from outside the narrative, but in fact it is right there on the inside, in the cries of ChristianÕs wife and children, in the reactions of his friends (Òthey thought that some frenzy distemper had gotten into his headÓ), and in the analysis they give of his irrational actions: he, they conclude, is one of those who Òare wiser in their own eyes than seven men that can render a Reason.Ó What this shows is that the objections Harris, Dawkins and Hitchens make to religious thinking are themselves part of religious thinking; rather than being swept under the rug of a seamless discourse, they are the very motor of that discourse, impelling the conflicted questioning of theologians and poets (not to mention the Jesus who cried, ÒMy God, My God, why hast thou forsaken me?Ó and every verse of the Book of Job).

 

Dawkins asks why Adam and Eve (and all their descendants) were punished so harshly, given that their ÒsinÓ – eating an apple after having been told not to – Òseems mild enough to merit a mere reprimand.Ó (We might now call this the Scooter Libby defense.) This is a good question, but it is one that has been asked and answered many times, not by atheists and scoffers, but by believers trying to work though the dilemmas presented by their faith. An answer often given is that it is important that the forbidden act be a trivial one; for were it an act that was on its face either moral or immoral, committing it or declining to commit it would follow from the powers of judgment men naturally have. It is because there is no reason, in nature, either to eat the apple or to refrain from eating it, that the prohibition can serve as a test of faith; otherwise, as John Webster explained (ÒThe Examination of Academies,Ó 1654), faith would rest Òupon the rotten basis of humane authority.Ó

 

Hitchens asks, ÒWhy, if God is the creator of all things, were we supposed to ÔpraiseÕ him incessantly for doing what comes naturally?Ó The usual answer (again given by theologians and religious poets) is, what else could we do in the face of his omnipotence and omnipresence? God is the epitome of the rich relative who has everything; thanks and gratitude are the only coin we can tender.

 

Or can we? The poet George Herbert reasons (and that is the word) that if it is only by the infusion of grace that we do anything admirable, praising God is an action for which we cannot take credit; for even that act is His. ÒWho hath praise enough?Ó, he asks, but then immediately (in the same line) corrects himself: ÒNay, who hath any?Ó (ÒProvidenceÓ) Even something so minimal as praising God becomes a sin if it is done pridefully . Where does that leave us, Herbert implicitly asks, a question more severe and daunting than any posed by the three atheists.

 

Harris wonders why the Holocaust didnÕt Òlead most Jews to doubt the existence of an omnipotent and benevolent God?Ó Behind this question is another one: where does evil come from, and if God is all-powerful and has created everything, doesnÕt it come from Him? Again there is a standard answer (which does not mean that it is a satisfying one): evil proceeds from the will of a creature who was created just and upright, but who corrupted himself by an act of disobedience that forever infects his actions and the actions of his descendants. It is what MiltonÕs God calls ÒmanÕs polluting sinÓ (ÒParadise Lost,Ó X, 631) that produces generations of evil, including the generation of the Holocaust, for, as MiltonÕs Adam himself acknowledges, Òfrom me what can proceed, / But all corrupt, both mind and will depravÕd?Ó (825).

 

But, Harris , Dawkins and Hitchens object, if God is so powerful, why didnÕt he just step in and prevent evil before it occurred? Not judge slavery, but nip it in the bud; not cure a blind man, but cure blindness; not send his only begotten son to redeem a sinful mankind, but create a mankind that could not sin? And besides, if God had really wanted man to refrain from evil acts and thoughts, like the act and thought of disobedience, then, says Hitchens, Òhe should have taken more care to invent a different species.Ó

 

But if he had done that, if Adam and Eve were faithful because they were programmed to be so, then the act of obedience (had they performed it) would not in any sense have been theirs. For what they do or donÕt do to be meaningful, it must be free: ÒFreely they stood who stood and fell who fell / Not free, what proof could they have given sincere/ Of true allegiance?Ó (ÒParadise Lost,Ó III, 102-104).

 

I have drawn these arguments out of my small store of theological knowledge not because they are conclusive (although they may be to some), but because they are there – in the very texts and traditions Harris, Dawkins and Hitchens dismiss as naive, simpleminded and ignorant. Suppose, says Hitchens, you were a religious believer; you would then be persuaded that a benign and all-powerful creator supervises everything, and that Òif you obey the rules and commandments that he has lovingly prescribed, you will qualify for an eternity of bliss and repose.Ó

 

I know of no religious framework that offers such a complacent picture of the life of faith, a life that is always presented as a minefield of the difficulties, obstacles and temptations that must be negotiated by a limited creature in his or her efforts to become aligned (and allied) with the Infinite. St PaulÕs lament can stand in for many: ÒThe good that I would, I do not; but the evil which I would not, I doÉ. Who shall deliver me?Ó (Romans, 7: 19,24). The anguish of this question and the incredibly nuanced and elegant writings of those who have tried to answer it are what the three atheists miss; and it is by missing so much that they are able to produce such a jolly debunking of a way of thinking they do not begin to understand.

 

But I have not yet considered their prime objection to religious faith: that it leaves argument, reason and evidence in the dust, and proceeds directly to the commission of wholly unjustified (and often horrific) acts. It is that issue that I will take up in the next column.

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June 3, 2007, 10:05 pm

Another Spin of the Wheel

 

In the past year I have come to expect that the respondents to these columns will be learned, eloquent and precise in the articulation of their positions. (I have also learned that, no matter how remote the connection, they will be able to use whatever I write as a springboard to a denunciation of the Bush administration.) But my expectations were exceeded by the comments posted to my last piece on the impossibility of avoiding ÒspinÓ in a world (our world) where perception and expression necessarily proceed from some angled perspective or point of view. With passion and precision (and often at some length) the authors of these comments alerted me to at least two mistakes.

 

The first is the more serious: I was using the word ÒspinÓ in two different senses and my failure to distinguish between them led to a slippage in the argument of which I remained unaware until it was pointed out by literally dozens of readers. One sense of ÒspinÓ – the commonsense sense that is the subject of Brooks JacksonÕs and Kathleen Hall JamiesonÕs new book, ÒunSpunÓ – is the effort to deceive either by omitting relevant facts or by drawing suspiciously large conclusions from small amounts of data or by regarding disputed evidence as authoritative – or by any of the hundreds of other techniques by which someone labors to Òput something overÓ on someone else.

 

The other sense of spin I employed in the column is more philosophical: it is a response to the argument, made at times by Jackson and Jamieson, that one antidote to deception – either deception imposed by others or the self-deception imposed by oneÕs own desires and inclinations – is to carefully monitor oneÕs own thought processes and to be especially alert to the human tendency to Òembrace information that supports our beliefs and reject evidence that challenges them.Ó

 

Jackson and Jamieson cite as a cautionary example a group that had gathered to await the appearance of a UFO that would rescue its members from a flood of biblical proportions. Neither the flood nor the UFO arrived, but, rather than abandoning the convictions that had led them to the prediction of both, the faithful Òbecame even more committed to their cause after seeing what any reasonable person would conclude was shattering proof that they had been completely wrong.Ó What they should have done, say Jackson and Jamieson, is reduce Ò their dissonance by abandoning their religious beliefs.Ó

 

The model here is of a mind stocked with beliefs and an independent world the facts of which could serve either to confirm or disconfirm them. They believed X, but then Y happened (or in this case didnÕt happen), and the rational (reasonable) thing would have been no longer to believe X. In the original column I challenged this model and asserted that facts, rather than standing in a relationship of distance to belief – a distance that allowed them to perform the service of check or correction – were a function of belief. That is, the facts of a situation are not just sitting there waiting to be spotted by a perceptive apparatus free of biases and prejudices; the facts of a situation will take the shape they do – will become facts – by virtue of the grounding beliefs of interested observers ( there are no other kind). That is why the leader of the group in JacksonÕs and JamiesonÕs example declared that the Òcataclysm had been called off because of the believersÕ devotion.Ó

 

In a different, but structurally similar, scenario the failure of a predicted messiah to appear would be taken to mean (and has in history been taken to mean) that the faithful had been judged unworthy. If the belief is strong enough, if it is the cornerstone of oneÕs world-view, it will be no trick at all to re-characterize facts that others might see as a devastating challenge to it. (Thus in his ÒOn Christian Doctrine,Ó St. Augustine advises scripture readers who find parts of the Bible pointing a bad moral to work the text over until Òan interpretation conducing to the reign of charity is produced.Ó) We donÕt ÒembraceÓ information that supports our beliefs; we see the information delivered by our beliefs.

 

And it doesnÕt have to be a religious belief that is productive of facts confidently seen. Many who raised objections to my argument were especially bothered by what they regarded as my letting Karl Rove off the hook when he cited a statistic to support his claim that under President Bush the United States economy had improved. It was their belief that anything Karl Rove said was a lie – Òa statement is a lie if it comes out of RoveÕs mouthÓ – and it is within that belief, unshakable by anything offered as counter-evidence, that they will assess an analysis of a Rovian utterance, mine or anyone elseÕs.

 

But why not come to a situation with no beliefs, or with the beliefs you have held in abeyance or bracketed, and take a good, hard look at the facts? Aside from the point I have already made (that any facts we look at will be available and perspicuous only from the perspective of some belief or other), what is it exactly that we would be looking with? Unless there is a corner of the mind that observes purely – and if there were all disputes could be settled by just going to it – we can only look with or within the convictions that anchor our minds and provide the possibility of judgment. It is within a conviction or belief that some assertion or description will seem to us to be right or wrong, adequate or inadequate. Absent a belief that grounds it and gives it a direction, the mind would be rudderless and incapable of going anywhere.

 

That is what I meant when I said that an open mind was an empty mind. There is of course a perfectly good and uncontroversial sense of having an open mind: being receptive to new ideas in the hope that we might learn something or revise an opinion (see comments #125 and #129); but even that possibility will be shaped by the opinions we already hold, for it is from their vantage point that an idea will be received as new and worthy of consideration. Open-mindedness, insofar as it exists, is itself a constrained condition. There is no such thing as really being open-minded Again this is a distinction – between open-mindedness in a perfectly ordinary but uninteresting sense and open-mindedness as an epistemological state no human being could achieve – that I failed to articulate, just as I failed to articulate the difference between spin as deception and spin as the name of our inescapable condition, and for these failures I should certainly be faulted.

 

I should not be faulted, however, for maintaining that Òthere are no factsÓ  or for declaring that Òreality is subjectiveÓ  or for Ògiving up the search for truthÓ or for saying that Òthere is no shared truth let alone an absolute truth.Ó I did not say and would never say those things. In most if not all cases there is certainly a fact of the matter, but just what it is will be worked out within the vocabularies or Òdimensions of assessmentÓ (J. L. AustinÕs term in ÒHow To Do Things With WordsÓ) that at once limit and enable what we can see and say. And if two accounts of the fact of the matter are in competition, there is no algorithm or decision procedure independent of any dimension of assessment whatsoever that will tell us which is the correct one.

 

And as for reality, it is not subjective (a word I never use); it is out there prior to any of our efforts to describe it. But what we know of it (a knowledge constantly changing as our descriptive vocabularies change) will only be known through the medium of our descriptions; and disputes about it will be disputes about the adequacy of different ways of describing, again without the possibility of something that is not a challengeable mode of description settling the dispute once and for all. And the search for truth? It is the business we all should be in, but it is a line of work that can only be pursued within the linguistic and technical resource history affords us. There is an absolute truth, but short of achieving a point of view that is not a point of view–achieving, that is, godhead – it cannot be absolutely known.

 

The bottom line is that it is no contradiction at all to assert the firm existence of fact, truth and reality and yet maintain that they can only be known within the human, limited vocabularies we have built in the endless effort to get things right. Truth claims are universal, but their justification and elaboration take place in time and within revisable, contingent discursive structures.

 

This is hardly a new insight. Thomas Hobbes put it this way in his ÒLeviathanÓ (1651): ÒTrue and False are attributes of Speech, not of Things. And where Speech is not, there is neither Truth nor Falsehood.Ó That is to say, our judgment as to whether an assertion is true or false will be made by seeing how it fits in (or doesnÕt fit in) with other assertions the truth of which are, at least for the time being, warranted. We do not compare the assertion with the world but with currently authoritative statements about the world. The world itself – unmediated by any system of statements – is forever removed from us. As Richard Rorty says, in an update of Hobbes, ÒThe world is out there, but descriptions of the world are notÓ (ÒContingency, Irony, and Solidarity,Ó 1989). The world, Rorty adds, does not have its own language, does not make propositions about itself. We do that, and it is the propositions we hazard, not the world as it exists apart from propositions, that we affirm, reject, argue about and believe in.

 

If that is so, propositions – assertions that this or that is or is not the case – are the vehicle of thought and Hobbes can be emended to say, Òwhere Speech is not, there is no Thought.Ó Words come first and make thought – propositions – possible. This is what I was getting at when I said we canÕt think without them. I should have added (another failure to clarify) that by thinking I meant making propositions about the world. I was not thinking about the kind of thinking (if that is the word) that goes on in music or dance (see comments #79, #108 and #129). Fortunately, I was rescued from my imprecision by S. Mckenna and Ben Murphy, who make the point I should have made: ÒÔthoughtÕ here is being used in the Fregean sense of something that can be true or false, something that can serve as a premise or conclusion in a deductive argument.Ó

 

And finally there is the matter of George Orwell. Kenny asks that I back up my judgment that ÒPolitics and the English LanguageÓ is a silly, terrible essay with analysis and reasons. Well, that would take more than a column, but I could just cite OrwellÕs advice Òto put off using words as long as possible and get oneÕs meaning clear as one can through pictures and associations.Ó I had thought that the last word on this fantasy had been written by Jonathan Swift in ÒGullliverÕs Travels.Ó Swift describes a society so distrustful of words that its members carry packs upon their backs, and when they want to communicate they just pull out things and point to them. (Try that with a Hummer or a big-screen TV.)  James Johnston predicts that in 50 years people will still be reading Orwell and I will be just a footnote, if that. That sounds right. George Trail wonders what I think of Ò1984Ó. I think that Ò1984Ó and ÒAnimal FarmÓ and many other writings by Orwell are accomplishments way beyond my abilities. I also think that ÒPolitics and the English LanguageÓ is way below my abilities.

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May 6, 2007, 8:41 pm

The All-Spin Zone

 

When Aristotle comes to the topic of style and persuasion in Book 3 of his ÒRhetoric,Ó he draws back in distaste from a subject he considers ÒvulgarÓ and Òunworthy.Ó The only reason I am talking about this stuff, he says, is because men are so susceptible to artfully devised appearances. In the best of all possible worlds we would Òfight our case with no help beyond the bare facts,Ó for after all, Ònothing should matter except the proof of those facts.Ó

 

Unfortunately, Aristotle laments, both our political institutions and the citizens who populate them are ÒcorruptedÓ by passion and partisan zeal, with the result that the manner of delivery counts more than the thought that is being delivered. It is therefore necessary to catalog the devices by means of which audiences are ÒcharmedÓ rather than truly enlightened. We must know these base arts, Aristotle asserts, so that we will not be defenseless against those who deploy them in an effort to deceive us and turn us away from the truth.

 

AristotleÕs ÒRhetoricÓ may be the first, but is certainly not the last treatise that performs the double task of instructing us in the ways of deception and explaining (regretfully) why such instruction is necessary. The Romans Cicero and Quintilian took up the same task, and they were followed by countless manuals of rhetoric produced in the Middle Ages, the Renaissance, the 18th and 19th centuries and down to the present day. A short version of the genre – George OrwellÕs ÒPolitics and the English LanguageÓ – has been particularly influential and is still often cited 60 years after its publication.

 

And now in 2007 comes ÒunSpun,Ó by Brooks Jackson and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. The bookÕs subtitle tells it all: ÒFinding Facts in a World of Disinformation.Ó Once again (for the umpteen-thousandth time) we are given a report on the sorry state of things linguistic – ÒWe live in a world of spinÓ – and a promise that help is on the way, in this case in the form of a few brief precepts employed as section headings: ÒCheck Primary Sources,Ó ÒKnow What Counts,Ó ÒKnow WhoÕs Talking,Ó ÒCross-check Everything That Matters,Ó ÒBe Skeptical, But Not Cynical.Ó The idea is that while Òwe humans arenÕt wired to think very rationallyÓ and are prone to Òletting language do our thinking for us,Ó we can nevertheless become Òmore aware of how and when language is steering us toward a conclusion.Ó In this way, Brooks and Jamieson promise, we can learn Òhow to avoid the psychological pitfalls that lead us to ignore facts or believe bad information.Ó

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April 29, 2007, 8:47 pm

Under FIRE: Campus Speech Regulations Once Again

 

Last week saw the end of a little drama that had been playing out on the campus of the University of Rhode Island for some months. On April 26 the student senate turned back a committee recommendation to ÒderecognizeÓ the College Republicans because the group refused to apologize for one of its actions. What the College Republicans had done was invite applications for the ÒFirst Annual White Heterosexual Male Scholarship,Ó otherwise known by the acronym WHAM. Applicants were asked, first, to certify that they were indeed white, heterosexual, American and male and then to answer two questions: ÒIn 100 words or less, what does being a White Heterosexual American Male mean to you? As a White Heterosexual American Male, what adversities have you had to deal with and overcome?Ó

 

Many of the 40 or so who sent in applications recognized the satirical intention (to ridicule and parody raced-based scholarships and other forms of campus affirmative action) of the obviously bogus scholarship and wrote in the same spirit. But the student senate was not amused, and in February the Student Organizations Advisory and Review Committee demanded that the College Republicans: A) not award the $100 scholarship, B) apologize in writing for having violated the anti-discrimination section of the senateÕs bylaws, and C) seek permission from the senate before mounting any programs in the next 12 months. The group cheerfully agreed to A – why not? – and declined to comply with B and C.

 

In response the Advisory and Review Committee exercised the nuclear option and voted to derecognize the group, in spite of the fact that Robert Carothers, the universityÕs president, had declared on April 6 that it was unconstitutional to require the College Republicans to Òmake public statements which are not their own.Ó (The relevant First Amendment category is Òcompelled speech.Ó) Given CarothersÕs unequivocal position, it was only a matter of time, and the time arrived last Thursday, before the Senate backed down, asking only that the College Republicans issue an explanation of the point they were trying to make. The group is reported to be satisfied with this condition, as well it might be, since it now has another (and mandated) opportunity to get its point of view out to the public.

 

There is nothing particularly interesting or edifying about this incident. One could accuse the College Republicans of bad taste and the Senate committee of overreacting and of failing to understand what the First Amendment protects (since Hustler v. Falwell, it protects political satire no matter how crude or offensive), but that is more or less par for the course in such matters.

 

What is interesting, however, is that at least part of the credit for the resolution of the controversy belongs to an outside agency, FIRE, the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, a campus watchdog group founded by free speech activists Alan Kors and Harvey Silverglate, authors of ÒThe Shadow University: The Betrayal of Liberty on AmericaÕs Campuses.Ó FIRE wrote one letter to the student senate president, and two letters to President Carothers. The second of those letters ended by reminding the president that ÒFIRE is prepared to use the full extent of its resources to see this matter through to a just and moral conclusion.Ó

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April 22, 2007, 8:54 pm

Why Was Imus Fired? Just Do the Math

 

Early on in the Don Imus firing controversy I took an abstinence pledge, vowing never to write anything about it. I now go back on that pledge, not because I have anything to say, but because there isnÕt anything to say, although almost everybody in the world has been saying a great deal. What I mean is that there are no serious issues that might be appropriately – as opposed to opportunistically – attached to this incident. The story should not be filed under Òfree speechÓ or Òracist speechÓ or Òthe culture of indecencyÓ or Òdouble standardsÓ; it should be filed under Òblunders with unexpected consequences,Ó the subject of an earlier column about men and women who say or do something apparently small and even casual and find, sometimes within minutes, that their public lives are over.

 

In Mr. ImusÕs case, what followed his disparaging of the Rutgers women basketball players was unanticipated not because he had intended no insult, but because intending insults has always been his line of work, and he had no reason to believe that this five-second instance of his ordinary practice would bring everything crashing down. Many commentators have said that Imus should have distinguished between his usual targets – Hollywood celebrities, politicians, sports icons – and 10 innocent and vulnerable young women. But this criticism assumes that behind what Imus said over the years was some kind of social or moral or philosophical calculation. There was nothing at all behind his daily performances; he was just occupying a professional niche – Don Rickles with a network – and doing exactly what he was paid to do.

 

If calculation had nothing do with his remarks, miscalculation had nothing to with their effects, which were, quite literally, incalculable. Mr. Imus could not have known (no one could have) that Rutgers University would be capable of mounting a press conference of stunning impact. (Whoever orchestrated it should be snapped up by a presidential candidate; he or she is a genius.) No one could have anticipated the e-mail and Internet frenzy that led in a few days to a level of news coverage usually reserved for presidential elections or national disasters. And no one, in advance of the event, could have connected the dots in a way that led – now it seems inevitably – to Sumner Redstone, the chief executive of CBSÕs parent company, Viacom, who dropped Tom Cruise because he jumped up and down on Oprah WinfreyÕs couch. A guy who is willing to cut loose the biggest star in the world is going to have no trouble ordering the dismissal of an over-age enfant terrible who wears long hair and cowboy boots. (When Redstone told Leslie Moonves, the chief executive of CBS, to Òdo the right thing,Ó everyone knew what he meant.)

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April 15, 2007, 8:24 pm

Religion Without Truth, Part Two

 

 In a March 31st Op-Ed column I critiqued Professor Stephen ProtheroÕs claim (quoted in Time magazineÕs April 2nd issue) that the Òacademic study of religion É takes the biblical truth claims seriously and yet brackets them for purposes of classroom discussion.Ó I questioned how anyone could take something seriously by leaving it at the door or putting it on the shelf. And I said that in the absence of its truth claims – claims like salvation is through belief in Jesus Christ who rose from the dead and redeemed us by taking upon himself all our sins – a religion was nothing more than a set of stories and ritual practices bereft of any transcendent meaning of which they would be the expression. You can teach those stories and practices – just as you might teach the stories and practices of baseball (which is, I know, the religion of some people) – but you wouldnÕt, I insisted, be teaching religion, only its empty shell.

 

 Of the hundred or so comments I received, only a few indicated agreement with my point. The others raised a number of objections, and among those objections three were prominent: 1) I fail to understand that one can teach the truth claims of religion as historical and cultural facts without either believing or disbelieving in them: ÒTo understand the works of Christians such as Chaucer, Dante, Milton or Shakespeare, one must understand something of Christianity. One must not, however, become a Christian.Ó 2) Teaching the exclusive truth claims of a religion as matters of fact goes against the principles of liberal democracy and liberal education: ÒTeaching religious thought as dogma is not education, but theocracy.Ó 3) What I said in this column is contradicted by what I said in earlier columns: ÒThe argument you present seems to run counter to your prior claim that any potentially controversial topic can and should be studied within ÔacademicizedÕ grounds

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April 8, 2007, 9:12 pm

Parties Matter

 

The political polling season is already upon us (a bit prematurely, but everything is ahead of itself these days), and polls taken in the past couple of weeks reveal a pattern that commentators are busy explaining. When the question asked is, which party do you trust to do a better job with the economy, the war, global warming, the environment, education, the deficit, immigration, reputation abroad, the administration of justice, the rebuilding of New Orleans?, the Democratic party wins — and in some categories by impressive margins. The same polls show that 60 to 70 percent of the American people believe that the country is heading in the wrong direction, and there is no doubt that President BushÕs rating numbers are also headed in the wrong direction. Why then do Hillary Clinton, John Edwards and Barack Obama consistently lose to Rudy Giuliani and John McCain in head-to-head matchups? (The three Democrats do outpoll Mitt Romney, but who wouldnÕt?)

 

The answer usually given is that itÕs early. Two years out voters are reacting to personalities, or rather, to their perception of personalities. When things get more serious, and the candidates are put under the lens of relentless scrutiny and have to answer hard questions about hard issues, the ratings, we are told, will turn less on personality and more on policy, and the numbers will change.

 

Maybe so, but I suspect that in 18 months the personality profiles now given to us by the media will still be in place and remain the focus of political commentary. WeÕll still have Giuliani, the stalwart 9/11 hero and crime-fighting mayor (a little tainted by Bernard Kerik and the messiest personal life this side of Britney Spears); John McCain, the stalwart Vietnam War hero and straight shooter (a little tainted by claims that Baghdad is a nice town for an afternoon stroll); Hillary Clinton, the smart, well-organized, effective senator (a little burdened by baggage she is unlikely ever to shed); Barack Obama, the charismatic, eloquent harbinger of a new day (a little suspect because the glittering facade seems unaccompanied by even one substantive idea); and John Edwards, the up-from-poverty trial lawyer and former senator with an inspiring wife (a little defensive when he is asked why a self-advertised candidate of the people has recently built himself a mansion.) When September 2008 rolls around, two of these characters – or perhaps a dark horse drawn from the current list of Bill Richardson, Christopher Dodd, Joe Biden, Al Gore, Fred Thompson, Sam Brownback, Tommy Thompson and Newt Gingrich – will be paraded before the citizenry, which will be asked (endlessly), ÒWhom would you rather have running the country, protecting our troops, educating our children, and throwing out the first ball on opening day?

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March 30, 2007, 8:38 pm

Religion Without Truth

 

Stanley Fish has written an Op-Ed for The Times that appears in print and online today. Post a comment about it below. — The Editors

 

In 1992, at a conference of Republican governors, Kirk Fordice of Mississippi referred to America as a ÒChristian nation.Ó One of his colleagues rose to say that what Governor Fordice no doubt meant is that America is a Judeo-Christian nation. If I meant that, Fordice replied, I would have said it.

 

I thought of Fordice when I was reading Time magazineÕs April 2 cover story, ÒThe Case for Teaching the Bible,Ó by David Van Biema, which also rehearses the case for not teaching the Bible. The arguments are predictableÉ  Read the column È

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March 28, 2007, 10:29 am

Murder, I Read

 

Stanley Fish has written an Op-Ed for The Times that appears in print and online today. Post a comment about it below. — The Editors

 

YouÕre at the mystery section of an airport bookstore and the loudspeaker has just announced that your flight is in the late stages of boarding. You have maybe three or four minutes to make a choice. (That is your assignment, if you choose to accept it.) How do you go about deciding? É  Read the column È

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March 23, 2007, 9:24 pm

Advocacy and Teaching

 

Stanley Fish has written an Op-Ed for The Times that appears in print and online today. Post a comment about it below. — The Editors

 

When a bill before a state legislature bears a womanÕs name, it is usually because someone has been abducted or raped or murdered. But in Missouri, House Bill 213, or the Emily Brooker Intellectual Diversity Act, is under consideration because someone was given an assignmentÉ Read the column È

 

  

About Stanley Fish

Stanley Fish is the Davidson-Kahn Distinguished University Professor and a professor of law at Florida International University, in Miami, and dean emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences at the University of Illinois at Chicago. Mr. Fish has also taught at the University of California at Berkeley, Johns Hopkins and Duke University. He is the author of 10 books.